It may surprise many modern readers that Plato, writing a
history of philosophy in the 4th Century BC, claimed that all early
philosophers were “imitators, lovers and disciples of Spartan education.” Furthermore, the seven “wise men” that Plato
considered the fathers of philosophy included two Lacedaemonians, one of which
was Spartiate: Chilon the Wise. In the 5th century BC, it
had become common to speak about “seven” wise men, whose selection varied from writer
to writer so that a total of 17 are actually named on one list or another. Significantly,
Chilon – like Solon of Athens – is always among the seven.
So just who was Chilon of Sparta?
Based on the stories told about Chilon, which include
personally meeting the famous writer of fables, Aesop, and Hippokrates, the
father of the Athenian tyrant Peisistratos, historians conclude that Chilon
lived in the first half of the 6th century BC, or – one might say –
in the Golden Age of Sparta.
Furthermore, he is said to have been an ephor during the 56. Olympiad,
or between 556 and 554 BC, by which time, the sources say, he was “very old.”
Modern historians such as Conrad Stibbe suggest he was somewhere between 60 and
75 when he was elected ephor in ca. 555 BC.
Chilon was a Spartiate, but apparently not from a “leading”
or royal family. The fact that his descendants married into both royal houses,
however, is an indication of just how highly he was regarded by his
contemporaries and admired by subsequent generations of Spartans. Particularly significant is the fact that a
great-granddaughter of Chilon was selected by a later college of ephors as the
bride for the then childless Agiad King Anaxandridas. Anaxandridas had been married for many years
to his niece, who appeared to be barren, and the ephors after futilely urging
the king to set aside his wife and take a new wife, convinced him to take a
second wife. This wife (who is nameless
in Herodotus) promptly became pregnant and gave birth to a male child, who
later became one of Sparta’s most controversial kings, King Cleomenes I. What is striking about this particular
marriage is less that the college of ephors would put forward the name of a
girl descended from one of their own predecessors, than that Anaxandridas, who
would have been a reigning king at the time Chilon was an ephor, would accept
one of Chilon's descendents as a worthy bride .
The importance of this fact is best understood when we remember
that Chilon is credited by ancient and modern historians with raising the
status of the ephorate to a body almost as powerful as the kings. The ephors are not mentioned in the so-called
Great Rhetra, which allegedly encapsulated Lycurgus’ constitutional reforms, nor
do they appear in any of the surviving fragments of Tyrtaeus’ poetry. Originally,
the ephors appear to have been little more than official servants of the kings,
charged with executing the kings’ orders. In consequence, the ephors make no
particular mark in history prior to the mid-sixth century.
The first historical act of the ephors was the already
mentioned incident in which they forced a reluctant King Anaxandridas to take a
second wife. This interference in the personal life of a king was justified by
their concern over the future of the Agiad line and indirectly the Spartan
Constitution. It was initiated because, according to Herodotus, the ephors were
tasked with observing the heavens at regular intervals and interpreting the
stars. In other words, this first act of
interference could be interpreted as more a religious than a political role, in
that the ephors were simply interpreting the Will of the Gods, rather than
acting in a constitutionally independent role.
In the centuries that followed, however, the ephors increasingly
engaged in activities that are unashamedly political. By the late fifth
century, the ephors could fine citizens -- even those elected to public office -- for misdemeanors and bring charges
against them for more serious crimes. The ephors also controlled relations with the perioikoi
and helots (at some point initiating the practice of declaring war on the
helots annually). The ephors drafted bills for presentation to the Assembly and
set the agenda at Assembly meetings. They could summon the Assembly and
presided at it. The ephors decided based
on their estimate of the comparative volume of the shouted “ayes” and “nays,”
whether a motion had passed, and they enforced the decisions taken at Assembly.
The ephors, furthermore, had diplomatic and military roles as
well as political and administrative ones. Not only did they receive and
dispatch ambassadors, they also named – and recalled – commanders, such as
Pausanias and Lysander. They appointed
the three hippagretai, who then each selected one hundred men from the citizens on active service (aged 21
– 30) to form the royal body guard.
After the Assembly voted for war, it was the ephors, who mobilized the
troops.
Perhaps most important, two ephors accompanied whichever king commanded the Spartan army on
campaign. Thus, although the kings commanded absolute
obedience while the Spartan army was outside of Lacedaemon, the ephors were
expected to keep an eye on them and exercise their right to bring charges
against the kings for any unconstitutional behaviour on their return. The mere presence of the ephors, therefore, acted as a curb on arbitrary and unlawful actions by the kings. Last but not least, if a
king was charged with a capital offense, the ephors sat in judgment of him
along with the Gerousia.
But returning to Chilon himself, Conrad Stibbe in his
excellent work on archaic Sparta, Das
Andere Sparta (Mainz: 1996), credits Chilon with conceiving of the
Peloponnesian League. As he points out,
throughout Sparta’s previous history, complete subjugation of a conquered
people followed successful Spartan conquests. This was true for the conquest of
the heartland of Lacedaemon, the Eurotas Valley in the ninth century
and for the conquest of Messenia in the second half of the seventh
century.
Yet after a bitter war with Tegea during the first half of the sixth
century BC, in which Sparta suffered at least one humiliating defeat resulting
in the enslavement of Spartiate hoplites, Sparta chose a different path.
Following a decisive victory over Tegea under the leadership of King
Anaxandridas, Sparta made the revolutionary decision not to subjugate and
occupy Tegea, but rather to form a defensive alliance with its defeated foe. This
course was unprecedented in Greek history at the time. (Note: My novel TheOlympic Charioteer deals with this period of Spartan history.) Furthermore, the alliance with Tegea was not
a one-off event, but rather signaled a completely new Spartan foreign policy
that was pursued throughout the rest of the century. Under both Anaxandridas
and his sons, Sparta built up her power and prestige not through direct
conquest but through the formation of a system of alliances, first on the
Peloponnese (under Anaxandridas and Cleomenes) and with all of Hellas under
Leonidas.
Yet while Chilon sought peace and alliances with Sparta’s
democratic neighbors, he was according to ancient tradition together with Anaxandridas the driving
force behind a series of military actions undertaken by Sparta to depose
tyrants in Sikyon, Samos, and Athens. The fact that Chilon and Anaxandridas are
mentioned as working together to depose the tyrants is significant because it
suggests a joint policy – something that makes the later marriage of
Anaxandridas to a great-granddaughter of Chilon more understandable.
Interestingly, Chilon is described in Herodotus as a seer and
Chilon’s first act of extraordinary wisdom was advice that, had it been
followed, would have spared Athens the tyranny of Peisistratos in the first
place. Chilon’s wisdom was thus
associated with Sparta’s opposition to tyranny.
According to legend, when the father of Peisistratos, Hippokrates, was
in Olympia, he received a sign from the Gods.
A cauldron full of sacrificial meat boiled
over without a fire being lit under it.
Although Hippokrates recognized that this could only be a message from
the gods, he could not interpret it, and turned to Chilon for advice. Chilon told him not to marry and if he was
already married to disown any son he already had.
The Spartan Chilon was according to ancient tradition also a
contemporary of the fable-writer Aesop.
According to legend, Chilon told the former slave that Zeus’ job was to
“humiliate the mighty and rise up the humble.” While this was clearly a
reference to Aesop’s own fate, it was a strikingly revolutionary statement
nonetheless – heralding the Christian notion that “the meek shall inherit the
earth.”
Likewise with respect to women, Chilon set revolutionary standards
of behavior that were uniquely Spartan.
While the Athenian philosopher Socrates showed utter contempt for the
intellect of his wife, refusing to even take leave of her after he was
condemned to death, Chilon was depicted on his grave sitting side-by-side with
his wife. Even more impressive, one of his daughters, Chilonis, was recognized
by name as a disciple of theh philosphoer Pythagoras. In short, while the Athenians contended
that women were permanent children with brains incapable of developing rational
thought,[i]
Sparta’s greatest philosopher encouraged his daughter to study under the
greatest of his contemporaries.
But it was hardly for his attitude toward women or former
slaves that Chilon attained so much fame among his fellow Greeks. Rather,
Chilon was admired and honored by subsequent generations of Greek philosophers
and their Roman and modern admirers primarily for his “wisdom.” Chilon was the
author of some 600 verses familiar to the ancients that they admired greatly.
Unfortunately, none of these have survived into the present, at least none have
been identified as the work of Chilon. More famous, however, were three –
typically Laconic – sayings that were carved over the entrance to the Delphic
oracle and attributed to Chilon. Let me close this brief essay on Chilon by
quoting him. I think many would find his
advice relevant even today:
Sponsorship
brings misfortune.
Nothing
in excess.
Know
thyself.
[i] Good
sources on Athenian attitudes for women can be found in the Sarah Pomeroy’s
Goddesses, Whores, Waves and Slaves, (New York: 1975), Sue Blundell’s Women in
Ancient Greece, (London:1995) and in the chapter on “Citizen Women in Athens,”
in Anton Powell’s Athens and Sparta:
Constructing Greek Political and Social History from 478 BC, (Portland,
Oregon: 1988).
